The issue of religion and religious education appear in different contexts in four modernised/secular European countries, based on the grounds of prevailing political cultures. In Germany for example, despite the wide spread image of being a secularised society, the Christian Churches’ entanglements in the state and vice versa are quite far-reaching. The German Constitution’s Preamble cites that trust in God as the moral basis and ends up with enormous financial support that the state collects and spends for the Christian Churches, religion is actually an important power in Germany. The ranges of privileges that the Christian Churches enjoy seem to be unparalleled with other European countries. There is a sharp contrast with France for example. German case can be likened to the case in England where the Crown is the head of the Anglican Church, giving it power and legitimacy. This recognition is reflected in the composition of the House of Lords where there are a number of seats for the clergy of Anglican Church. Religious and political power in Germany, were not separated as early as elsewhere but the Christian Churches, namely the Protestants kept on having a say in public initiatives that would for example in France have belonged exclusively to the sphere of the state; the Churches were especially involved in the construction of the educational system.
In spite of the process of secularisation that has meanwhile taken place, Christianity still serves as powerful moral reference basis and enjoys privileges in education. Christianity and those movements in society that have been substantial for the development towards humanism, freedom and democracy shall get their appropriate space in educating personalities with a consciousness of their own. Religious education in schools is a regular element and it has to be stressed that it is not inter-religious education but confessional doctrine. The German Constitution guarantees religious education as regular subject in public schools, being put into practice by the churches in the frame of subsidiarity (Grundgesetz Articles 7.2 and 140, 141). The Berlin Statutes the other bind the schools to provide two religious education lessons per week and a room for it free of costs. Consequently, the general framing regulations for schools in Berlin name the churches as partners for educational co-operation.
All confessional lessons are subjects of free choice. Islamic religious education does not take place at regular public schools in Germany. Usually, the reason that is given for the absence of Islam in religious education by School Authorities is that Muslims in Germany do not have a common institution like the Christian Churches that could be treated as educational partner according to the principle of subsidiarity. An exception to the negative attitude is the pragmatic development of an Islamic curriculum in the Bundesland of Nordrhein-Westfalen that had been initiated by applications of three Islamic organisations to conduct their lessons in public schools. An alternative for Muslim organisations is the foundation of their own confessional private schools.
The status of religious education as inculcation of Christian heritage contrasts to French case where a deeply rooted laicism does not accommodate appearance of religious signs in public place because religion is seen as a matter of individual conviction. One can, on the other hand, draw some parallels with the British case where Christianity, Protestant confessionalism, is seen as a source of British identity/imaginary. Especially at the beginning of the 19th Century the British self image was predominantly 'Protestant' in nature. For many, a century later this conception remained. This image was re-circulated by a leading article in The Times on 8 July 1980 which wrote that 'The Church of England is the British national Church'. The Rushdie affair was a test case in Britain, which showed that modern Britain was not as much secularised as imagined. With the Rushdie affair, Islam emerged in the public space as a powerful tradition, which contested the tolerance at the core of the British identity. As Ignatieff observes Islam made people realise that civic tolerance, one of the much-praised core of the British identity, was less secular than may people had supposed. He argues that "the almost forgotten Protestantism within the British identity came to the surface. It is the Christian faith, which the Crown is supposed to defend… It was Islam, which broke a key silence in British national identity: why a secular society fails to separate church and state altogether?" As will be seen later in the discussion, this failure showed up itself once more in 1988 Education Reform Act which made religious education compulsory with a main emphasis on Christianity as an important heritage and source of national imagery.
The institutionalisation of religious education (RE) in general and Islamic education in particular took place differently in Britain than Germany. As the Constitution ensures Christian religious education in German public schools, not the Constitution (because it does not exists), but The Education Reform Act 1988 enforces religious education in public schools. The nature of religious education must be dominantly Christian though other religions in Britain should also be taken into consideration[1]. It is the responsibility of local Standing Advisory Council on Religious Education (SACRE) to advise the authority upon matters connected with religious worship in county schools and the religious education in public schools. Concerning the content of RE a different picture emerges in contrast to other compulsory subjects in the National Curriculum. In contrast to the centralisation of the education system through the National Curriculum, RE was decentralised, acknowledging the diversity of religious traditions in Britain.
The formation of SACRE’s led to the production of agreed syllabus that also accommodated diverse religions in addition to Christianity. An agreed syllabus is required "to reflect the fact that the religious traditions of Great Britain are in the main Christian, while taking account of the teachings and practices of the other principal religions represented in Great Britain". The content of the agreed syllabus is influenced by the religions of ethnic communities. Hinduism, Islam and Buddhism were also included in the study of religions. The most significant aspect of religious education in relation to civil culture is expected to promote peace and toleration which fits well with the general image of Britishness being tolerant. One can argue that religious education which represents religions as beliefs systems rather than cultural and political belonging has a potential to stimulate a better understanding of "others", leading to mutual respect and acceptance. This rather contrast to the Dutch tradition where other religions are portrayed as 'far away' cultures.
Muslims in Britain as elsewhere in Europe are getting organised to provide Islamic education for their children in their own schools as well campaigning for more Muslim teachers in public schools. The daily act of collective worship and the content of religious education have become important concerns for Muslim parents. One of the responses of Muslims to the recent developments in the area of education was to establish their own private and independent Islamic schools where not only the National Curriculum subjects but also cultural and religious subjects would be taught. Muslims also wanted to make use of state funds, which are presently available to denominational and Jewish schools. In order to become voluntary-aided schools the Zakaria Girl’s School in Batley and the Islamia School in London, for example, made applications in 1982. However, Zakaria Girl’s and the Islamia School failed to receive recognition as a voluntary-aided school. After the Labour Party's rise to the government, Muslims increased their pressure on authorities for recognition, which is completely unthinkable in France. Despite earlier rejections of its application, the Islamia School persisted in its effort to receive state funds. In a letter published in the education supplement of the Guardian, leading figures campaigning for this state funding appealed to the Secretary of Education and Employment, David Blunkett, for Muslims to be treated equally with others in Britain (2 December 1997). It is argued in the letter that Government backing of Muslim schools would promote shared values and good citizenship for all communities equally. In response to Muslims' demands, the Government decided (9 January 1998) to grant state funding to Islamia School in London and Al Furqan School in Birmingham. The same day, two more Jewish Schools, Mathidla Marks Kennedy and Jewish Progressive primary schools were also given grant-maintained status.
In the Netherlands on the other hand, there is no compulsory explicit religion (Christianity) lessons in public schools. There is, however, an implicit emphasis on the Christian world in history lessons. This emphasis on Christian world echoes the dominant position of Christian establishments in Germany and Britain representing a shared past. All chapters in history books dealing with 'our' world and `our' civilization also make references to aspects of Christianity. As far as explicit aspects of Christianity are concerned, it is a typical history subject.
What Britain and The Netherlands have in common is the fact both countries made available state funds to Muslim schools. It seems that Muslims in the Netherlands achieved their goals more easily. Despite local opposition, Muslims in The Netherlands succeeded in opening state-funded Islamic schools in Rotterdam and Eindhoven in 1988, and over the last six years, the number of Islamic schools has steadily increased in this country to six in 1989-1990, 22 in 1991-92 and 29 in the 1993-1994 school-year. All of these are primary schools.
France can be singled out regarding religion-state relations. Religious education is not a matter of concern in French public schools at all. The principle of laïcité, as understood neutrality towards religious convictions, means that there should be no religious signs in public schools. There is no religious education and crosses or other religious symbols are not allowed in public schools. The wearing of headscarves in most public schools has been forbidden in the name of this principle. Religious education in French public schools is not even imaginable. Religious questions in the public school are not treated as a matter of culture or merely as a belief system but as a matter of civilisation and historical knowledge.
Issue of religion appears for example when foundations of modern civilisation and the influence of oriental civilisation on the western world are discussed. However, Christianity is represented as a strong marker on Western civilisation. Books in the French schools refer 'our language', 'our customs', 'our cultural past', 'our environment' that carry the imprint of Christian traditions. Implication of this narrative is, though the French society is secular, Christianity marks the repertoire of French discourse despite the calculated distance shown in the books.
Diverse approaches to religion in education as a public sphere
This discussion shows that there is a striking difference in the position of religious education and in the extent to which religion is present in the curriculum in Germany, Britain, France and the Netherlands. These differences are to a large extent related to the different political cultures and dominant discourses in the respective countries. In Germany and Britain religious education is more or less a standard ingredient of the curriculum. In both cases religious moral issues are considered to be essential to educate citizens and build up identity, yet in Britain religious education is compulsory, although religious education is mainly on Christianity, other religions are also respected and taught, whereas in Germany the idea of Christian genealogy shines through. In the French case there is no religious education in public schools because French political culture separates state involvement in religious inculcating and nurturing spirituality for religion is a matter of individual conviction that should not interfere in public sphere. In the Netherlands the situation is somewhat different and although there is no compulsory or formally prescribed religious education. Despite the fact that there is no provision for religious education in these two countries, religions nevertheless appear in other subjects. Christian values and influences appear to be the dominant religious heritage whether it is explicitly codified or implicitly implied in the narratives.
On the other hand there is an interesting similarity in the German and French approaches as opposed to the British and Dutch ones. Whereas both Germany and France place one moral standard applicable to all citizens above others, i. e. Christianity in Germany, rationality in France, as it appear in compulsory philosophy lessons, Britain and the Netherlands seem to relate moral standards to the religious and cultural diversity in society. The Dutch political culture establishes a system, which implies that one should teach one's own morals in their own pillar within an overarching (universal) system of equality and non-discrimination. The British political culture on the other encourages the education of morals that should be organised in accordance with the multicultural and multi-religious characteristics of society because British society is composed of communities of values rather than a community of origins as it is the case with Germany.
[1] The 1988 Education Act requires that all new agreed syllabuses ‘must reflect the fact that the religious traditions in Great Britain are in the main Christian whilst taking account of the teaching and practices of the other principal religions represented in Great Britain’ (section 8(3)).
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